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go. He is their property, and they mean not ot to be poor for righteous ness' sake. Such a class there undoubtedly is among slaveholders how large their own consciences must determine. We are sure of it; for under such circumstances human nature will and must come to this mournful result. Now, to men of this spirit, the explanations we have made do in no degree apply. Such men ought to tremble before the rebukes of outraged humanity and indignant virtue. Slavery, upheld for gain, is a great crime. He, who has nothing to urge against emancipation, but that it will make him poorer, is bound to immediate emancipation. He has no excuse for wresting from his brethren their rights. The plea of benefit to the slave and the state avails him nothing. He extorts, by the lash, that labor to which he has no claim, through a base selfishness. Every morsel of food, thus forced from the injured, ought to be bitterer than gall. His gold is cankered. The sweat of the slave taints the luxuries for which it streams. Better were it for the selfish wrong doer of whom I speak, to live as the slave, to clothe himself in the slave's raiment, to eat the slave's coarse food, to till his fields with his own hands, than to pamper himself by day, and pillow his head on down at night, at the cost of a wantonly injured fellowcreature.

I know it will be said, "You would make us poor." Be poor, then, and thank God for your honest poverty. Better be poor than unjust. Better beg than steal. Better live in an almshouse, better die than trample on a fellow-creature and reduce him to a brute, for selfish gratification. What! have we yet to learn that "it profits us nothing to gain the whole world, and lose our souls?"

Slavery must fall, because it stands in direct hostility to all the grand movements, principles, and reforms of our age, because it stands in the way of an advancing world. One great idea stands out amidst the discoveries and improvements of modern times. It is, that man as not to exercise arbitrary, irresponsible power over man. To re strain power, to divide and balance it, to create responsibility for its just use, to secure the individual against its abuse, to substitute law for private will, to shield the weak from the strong, to give to the injured the means of redress, to set a fence round every man's property and rights, in a word, to secure liberty,-such, under various expressions, is the great object on which philosophers, patriots, philan thropists, have long fixed their thoughts and hopes. It is remarkable, and one of the happy omens of the times, that even absolute governments have reached, in a measure, this grand idea. They present themselves as the guardians of liberty. They profess their desire and purpose to sustain equal laws, under which all men, from the highest to the lowest, shall find effectual protection for their rights. The dis tinguished Prussian historian, Raumer, in his letters on England, maintains, that his own government, which foreigners call despotic, does not rest on private will, and that it ensures, on the whole, greater freedom to the subject, than the British people can boast. Thus despotism does homage to the great ideas and spirit of our times; and yet in the midst of this progress, in the face of this universal reverence for human rights, the slaveholder stands apart, and sets up his claim to ownership of his fellow-creatures,


The great evil [of Slavery] is, the contempt and violation of human rights, the injustice which treats a man as a brute, and which breaks his spirit to make him a human tool. It is the injustice, which denies him the means of improvement, which denies him scope for his powers, which dooms him to an unchangeable lot, which robs him of the primitive right of human nature, that of bettering his outward and inward state. It is the injustice, which converts his social connections into a curse. Here, perhaps, the influence of slavery is most blighting. Our social connections are intended by God to be among our chief means of improvement and happiness; and a system, which wars with these, is the most cruel outrage on our nature. Other men's chief relations are to wife and children, to brother and sister, to beings endeared by nature, and who awaken the heart to tenderness and faithful love. The slave's chief relation is to his owner, to the man who wrongs him. This it is, which above all things determines his lot, and this infuses poison into all his other social connections. This destroys the foundation of domestic happiness by sullying female pu rity, by extinguishing in woman the sense of honor. This violates the sanctity of the marriage bond. This tears the wife from the hus band, or condemns her to insult, perhaps, laceration in his sight. This takes from the parent his children. His children belong to another, and are disposed of for another's gain. Thus God's great provisions for softening, refining, elevating human nature are thwarted. Thus social ties are liable to be turned into bitterness and wrong.

An ecclesiastical document, which appeared not long ago in some of our papers, is a strong illustration of the influence of slavery on the relations of domestic life. It confirms, what we have often heard, that the slaves are commanded to marry or live together, for the purpose of keeping up the stock of the estate. It shows us, too, that when slaves are sold at a distance from their original homes, they are commanded to give up their wives or husbands whom they have left, and to serve the estate by forming new connections. Against this tyranny one would think, that the slave would find some protection in his religious teachers. One would think, that the Christian minister would interpose, to save the colored member of the church from be ing forced to renounce the wife from whom he had been torn ; that he would struggle to rescue him from an adulterous union, against which his affections as well as sense of duty may revolt. But, according to this document, an association of ministers decreed, that the slave sold at a distance, from his home, was to be regarded as dead to his former wife; that he was not be treated in this concern as a free agent; that he was not to be countenanced by the church in resisting his master's will. The document is given below. What a comment on Southern institutions! It shows how religion is made their tool, how Christianity is used to do violence to the most sacred feelings and ties, that the breed of slaves may be kept up. It shows us, that this iniquitous system pollutes by its touch, the divinest, the holiest provision of God for human happiness and virtue.-Channing's Remarks on the Slavery Question.


Shall we silently behold the land which we love with all the heartwarm affection of children, rendered a hissing and a reproach through. out the world, by this system which is already "tolling the deathbell of her decease among the nations?" No; the events of the last two years have "cast their dark shadows before," over-clouding the bright prospects of the future, and shrouding the destinies of our country in more than midnight gloom, and we cannot remain inactive. Our country is as dear to us as to the proudest statesman, and the more closely our hearts cling to "our altars and our homes," the more fervent are our aspirations that every inhabitant of our land may be protected in his fireside enjoyments by just and equal laws; that the foot of the tyrant may no longer invade the domestic sanctuary, nor his hand tear asunder those whom God himself has united by the most holy ties. Let our course, then, still be onward! Justice, humanity, patriotism, every high and every holy motive urge us forward, and we dare not refuse to obey."

SUSAN PAUL, and others.


Offered the following resolution, which was adopted;

Whereas, a vast portion of the wealth of the north has accrued, and is still accruing, from the slave system, either directly in the holding of slaves, by northern citizens, or indirectly by our social and commercial intercourse with slave-holding communities; therefore,

Resolved, That we are very deeply implicated in the sin of using our brother's service without wages, and of holding in our hands the gains of oppression; consequently it is our duty to bring forth fruits meet for repentance, by laboring devotedly in the service of the spoiled, and by contributing with unsparing liberality to the treasury of the slave.


We call on you in the prevailing name of our common christianity, and by the power of freedom upon your own souls, to resolve the deliverance of the captive, and to labor immediately for its fulfilment. Gather yourselves together as societies or as individuals, we entreat you; and increase by combination every power you possess, for the service of freedom. Where two or three, even, are gathered together with this holy purpose, there is his spirit in the midst of them who came to proclaim deliverance. Let us hear your voices of encourage. ment from the utmost limits of Massachusetts; and depend on us to cheer and encourage your hopes of speedy emancipation for the American slave, if the sight of earnest and devoted labor on our part can produce that effect.


ANNE WARREN WESTON, Sec. pro. tem.

Who is thy Neighbor?

Thy neighbor! Yonder toiling slave,
Fetter'd in thought and limb,

Whose thoughts are all beyond the grave
Go thou and ransom him.

Whene'er thou meet'st a human form
Less favor'd than thine own,
Remember 'tis thy neighbor worm,
Thy brother, or thy son.

O pass not, pass not heedless by;
Perhaps thou canst redeem
The breaking heart from misery;
Go share thy lot with him.


The Domestic Slave-trade.-This is the most indefensible, as well as the most detestible feature in the system of slavery. It will not admit of even an attempt at justification. There are many who profess to deplore the existence of slavery, who yet consider its abolition impracticable, or unjust to the owners of slaves, or dangerous to the community. Others again, will descant largely on the blessings and advantages of slavery to those who are favored with the enjoyment of its benefits, ending with a deciaration that their situation, if restored to freedom, would be infinitely more deplorable. But none of these reasons can be urged in behalf of this shameful traffic. It is a guilt and an infamy for which our country has no excuse. If her slave population was entailed upon her against her will, and cannot now be got rid of, she is at least, under no compulsion to permit herself to be disgraced by this infamous traffic.

Slave Produce.-One would suppose that the bare knowledge of the terrible price at which those cherished comforts have been procured, would cause a woman to turn shuddering and loathingly away, as though they were infected with a taint of blood. And the curse of blood is upon them! Though the dark red stain may not be there visibly, yet the blood of all the many thousands of the slain, who have died amid the horrors and loathsomeness of the slave-ship--been hurled by rapacious cruelty to the yawning wave, or sprang to its bosom in the madness of their proud despair of those who have pined away to death beneath the slow tortures of a broken heart, who have perished beneath the tortures of inventive tyranny, or on the ignominious gibbet-all this lies with a fearful weight upon this most foul and unnatural system, and that insatiable thirst for luxury and wealth in which it first originated, and by which it is still perpetuated.

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