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"Let Texas once proclaim a crusade against the rich States to the south of her, and in a moment, volunteers would flock to her standard in crowds, from all the States in the great valley of the Mississippi-men of enterprise and valor before whom no Mexican troops could stand for an hour. They would leave their own towns, arm themselves, and travel on. their own cost, and would come up in thousands, to plant the lone star of the Texan banner, on the Mexi-' can capitol. They would drive Santa to the South, and the boundless wealth of captured towns, and rifled churches, and a lazy, vicious and luxurious priesthood, would soon enable Texas to pay her soldiery, and redeem her State debt, and push her victorious arms to the very shores of the Pacific. And would not all this extend the bounds of slavery? Yes, the result would be, that before another quarter of a century, the extension of slavery would not stop short of the Western Ocean. We had but two alternatives before us; either to receive Texas into our fraternity of States, and thus make her our own, or to leave her to conquer Mexico, and become our most dangerous and formidable rival.

"To talk of restraining the people of the great Valley from emigrating to join her armies, was all in vain; and it was equally vain to calculate on their defeat by any Mexican forces, aided by England or not. They had gone once already; it was they that conquered Santa Anna, at San Jacinto; and three fourths of them, after winning that glorious field, had peaceably returned to their homes. But once set before them the conquest of the rich Mexican provin. ces, and you might as well attempt to stop the wind. This Government might send its troops to the frontier, to turn them back, and they would run over them like a herd of buffalo.

"Nothing could keep these booted loafers from rushing on, till they kicked the Spanish priests out of the temples they profaned.' Speech in Congress, April, 1842.




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Benjamin Lundy,

(Gen. Gaines' trespass,)
Mexican Decrees for
Universal Freedom,
Texas Constitution
against Freedom,
President Guerero,
John Quincy Adams,
The Mexican Arms,
The London Patriot,
William B. Reed,
National Intelligencer,
Edward J. Wilson,
G. L. Pos le hwaite,
New-York Sun,

Delenda est Texas.

N. Y. Commercial Advertiser,
Wilkinson's and Burr's trial,
African Slave Trade and Texas,
Bri ish Commissioners Report,
(Bartow's Case,)
Detroit Spectator,
American Citizen,

Liberia Herald,

Daniel Webster,

William Jay,

The British Parliament,

Barlow Hoy,

Daniel O'Connell,

Col. Thompson,

Fowell Buxton,

Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna,

Robert Owen,

Thomas Branagan,

Joseph Sturge,

William E. Channing,
Commonwealth of Mass.
Nathaniel P. Rogers,
David Lee Child,
Edwin W. Goodwin,
Joshua R. Giddings,
John Maynard,
Zebina Eastman,
Gamaliel Bailey,
A. S. Standard,
William L. McKenzie,
La Roy Sunderland,
J. B. Lamar,
Archibald L. Linn,
William Slade,

British Emancipator,
G. W. Alexander,

George Bradburn,
Edmund Quincy,
Pawtucket Chronicle,
Cleveland Journal,
Legislature of Vermont,
Gen. Assembly of Ohio State,
A. S. Society of Pennsylvania,
A. S. Convention of N. Y. State,
Philadelphia Gazette,
Friend of Man,

Pres. Jackson's Inconsistency,
William B. Tappan,

Southport American,
Edward Everett,

Mass. Legislature, 1843.
The Free American,
The Liberator,
The Liberty Press,
New-York American,
Mexican Side,

New-York Tribune,

Pittsburg Gazette,

Lynn Record,

Richmond Whig,
Hoonsocket Patriot,
Hamshire Republican,
William H. Burleigh,
Louisville Journal,
State of Rhode Island,
Legislature of Michigan,
John Quincy Adams,
Seth M. Gates,
William Slade,
William B. Calhoun,
Joshua R. Giddings,
Sherlock J. Andrews,
Nathaniel B. Borden,
Thomas C. Chittenden,
John Mattocks,
Christopher Morgan,

J. C. Howard, Victor Birdseye,
Hiland Hall, Thos. A. Tomlinson,
Stanley A. Clark, Chas. Hudson,
Archibald L. Linn,

Thos. W. Willians, Tru. Smith, Dav. Bronson, Geo. N. Briggs,


But the prime cause, and the real object of this war, e not distinctly understood by a large portion of the honest, disinterested, and well-meaning citizens of the United States. Their means of obtaining correct information upon the subject have been necessarily limited; and many of them have been deceived and misled by the misrepresentations of those concerned in it, and especially by hireling writers of the newspaper press. They have been induced to believe that the inhabitants of Texas were engaged in a legitimate contest for the maintenance of the sacred principles of liberty, and the natural, inalienable rights of man-whereas, the motives of its instigators, and their chief incentives to action, have been, from the commencement, of a directly opposite character and tendency. It is susceptible of the clearest demonstration, that the immediate cause, and the leading object of this contest, originated in a settled design, among the slaveholders of this country, (with land speculators and slave-traders,) to wrest the large and valuable territory of Texas from the Mexican Republic, in order to re-establish the SYSTEM OF SLAVERY; to open a vast and profitable SLAVE MARKET therein; and ultimately to annex it to the United States. And further, it is evident-nay, it is very generally acknowledgedthat the insurrectionists are principally citizens of the United States, who have proceeded thither for the purpose of revolutionizing the country; and that they are dependant upon this nation, for both the physical and pecuniary means, to carry the design into effect. Whether the national legislature will lend its aid to this most unwarrantable, aggressive attempt, will depend on the VOICE OF THE PEOPLE, expressed in their primary assemblies, by their petitions and through the ballot boxes.

The land speculations, aforesaid, have extended to most of the cities and villages of the United States, the British colonies in America, and the settlements of foreigners in all the eastern parts of Mexico. All concerned in them are aware that a change in the government of the country must take place, if their claims should ever be legalized.

The advocates of slavery, in our southern states and elsewhere, want more land on this continent suitable for the culture of sugar and cotton and if Texas, with the adjoining portions of Tamaulipas, Coahuila, Chihuahua, and Santa Fe, east of the Rio Bravo del Norte, can be wrested from the Mexican government, room will be afforded for the redundant slave population in the United States, even to a remote period of time.

Such are the motives for action-such the combination of interests -such the organization, sources of influence, and foundation of authority, upon which the present Texas Insurrection rests. The resi dent colonists compose but a small fraction of the party concerned in it. The standard of revolt was raised as soon as it was clearly ascertained that slavery could not be perpetuated, nor the illegal_specula tions in land continued, under the government of the Mexican Republic. The Mexican authorities were charged with acts of oppression, while the true causes of the revolt-the motives and designs of the insurgents

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