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when the act of emancipation has flowed from them, would then attach them to government. They are then no longer the creatures of despotism. They are bound by gratitude, as well as by interest, to seck the welfare of that country from which they have derived the restoration of their plundered rights, and with whose prosperity their own is inseparably involved. All apostacy from these principles, which form the good citizen, would, under such circumstances, be next to impossible.Speech in the Maryland House of Delegates, 1789.

WARNER MIFFLIN.

In a pamphlet, entitled "Observations on the American Revolution," published by order of Congress, in 1779, the following sentiments are declared to the world, viz:

"The great principle (of government) is and ever will remain in force, that men are by nature free; as accountable to him that made them, they must be so; and so long as we have any idea of divine justice, we must associate that of human freedom. Whether men can part with their liberty, is among the questions which have exercised the ablest writers; but it is concluded on all hands, that the right to be free can never be alienated-still less is it practicable for one generation to mortgage the privileges of another."

Humane petitions have been presented to excite in congress benevolent feelings for the sufferings of our fellow-citizens under cruel bondage to the Turks and Algerines, and that the national power and influence might be exerted for their relief; with this virtuous application I unite, but lament that any of my countrymen, who are distinguished a3 men eminently qualified for public stations, should be so enslaved by illiberal prejudice as to treat with contempt a like solicitude for another class of men still more grievously oppressed.

I profess freely and am willing my profession was known over the world, that I feel the calls of humanity as strong towards an African in America, as an American in Algiers, both being my brethren; especially as I am informed the Algerine treats his slave with more humanity; and I believe the sin of oppression on the part of the American is greatest in the sight of the Father of the family of mankind. WARNER MIFFLIN.

Kent County, Delaware, 2d of 1st mo. 1793.

WILLIAM EATON.

[The Tunisians had captured nine hundred and twenty Sardinian slaves, of whom General Eaton thus makes mention:]

"Many have died of grief, and the others linger out a life less tolerable than death. Alas-remorse seizes my whole soul when I reflect, that this is indeed but a copy of the very barbarity which my eyes have seen in my own native country. And yet we boast of liberty and national justice. How frequently in the southern states of my own country, have I seen weeping mothers leading the guiltless infant to the sales with as deep anguish as if they led them to the slaughter;

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WILLIAM RAY-RILEY-DE WITT CLINTON.

nd yet felt my bosom tranquil in the view of these aggressions on defenceless humanity. But when I see the same enormities practised upon beings whose complexions and blood claim kindred with my own, I curse the perpetrators, and weep over the wretched victims of their rapacity. Indeed, truth and justice demand from me the confession, that the Christian slaves among the barbarians of Africa, are treated with more humanity than the African slaves among professing Christians of civilized America; and yet here sensibility bleeds at every pore for the wretches whom fate has doomed to slavery."-Letter to his wife.

WILLIAM RAY.

Are you republicans?—away!
'Tis blasphemy the word to say.
You talk of freedom? Out for shame!
Your lips contaminate the name.
How dare you prate of public good,

Your hands besmear'd with human blood?
How dare you lift those hands to heav'n
And ask or hope to be forgiven?
How dare you breathe the wounded air,
That wafts to heaven the negro's prayer?
How dare you tread the conscious earth,
That gave mankind an equal birth?
And while you thus inflict the rod,

How dare you say there is a God

That will, in justice, from the skies,

Hear and avenge his creature's cries?

"Slaves to be sold," hark, what a sound?
Ye give America a wound,

A scar, a stigma of disgrace,

Which you nor time can e'er efface,

And prove, of nations yet unborn,

The curse,

the hatred, and the scorn!

The Horrors of Slavery, or Tars of Tripok

CAPTAIN RILEY.

Strange as it may seem to the philanthropist, my free and proudpirited countrymen still hold a million and a half of human beings in the most cruel bonds of slavery; who are kept at hard labor, and smarting under the lash of inhuman mercenary drivers; in many instances enduring the miseries of hunger, thirst, imprisonment, cold, nakedness, and even tortures. This is no picture of the imagination. For the honor of human nature, I wish likenesses were no where to be found! I myself have witnessed such scenes in different parts of my own country; and the bare recollection of them now chills my blood with horror.-Riley's Narrative.

*By referring to Otis's Botta, Vol. I. Book, 3d page, 105, it will be seen that the first blood spilled in Boston, Massachusetts, for American Independence, was that of a man of colour.

DE WITT CLINTON.

PATRIA CARA, CARIOR LIBERTAS.

DEAR IS MY COUNTRY, LIBERTY IS DEARER,

Was the motto of the arms of De Witt Clinton, inscribed gene. rally in front of the works of his extensive library.

As early as 1797, in the New-York Legislature, he devoted his attention to the gradual abolition of Slavery.

In the Senate of New-York, 1809-11, he introduced laws to prevent kidnapping, or the farther introduction of slaves, and to punish those who should treat them inhumanly.

As Governor of the State of New-York, in his speech to the Legislature, Jan. 4, 1820, while on the subject of filling the vacancy in the United States Senate, he says, alluding to the Missouri question:

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Nor can I conceal on this occasion, the deep anxiety which I feel on a subject now under the consideration of the General Government; and which is unfortunately calculated to produce geographi cal distinctions. Highly important as it is to allay feelings so inaus. picious, yet I consider the interdiction of the extension of slavery, a paramount consideration. Morally and politically speaking, Sla. very is an evil of the first magnitude; and whatever may be the consequences, it is our duty to prohibit its progress in all cases where such prohibition is allowed by the Constitution. No evil can result from its inhibition, more pernicious than its toleration; and I ear. nestly recommend the expression of your sense on this occasion, as equally due to the character of the State and the prosperity of the empire."

JAMES MADISON.

The United States having been the first to abolish, within the extent of their authority, the transportation of the natives of Africa into slavery, by prohibiting the introduction of slaves, and by punishing their citizens participating in the traffic, cannot but be gratified by the progress made by concurrent efforts of other nations toward a general suppression of so great an evil. They must feel at the same time, the greater solicitude to give the fullest efficacy to their own regulations. With that view, the interposition of Congress appears to be required by the violations and evasions which, it is suggested, are chargeable on unworthy citizens, who mingle in the slave trade under foreign flags, and with foreign ports; and by collusive importations of slaves into the United States, through adjoining ports and territories. I present the subject to Congress, with a full assurance of their disposition to apply all the remedy which can be afforded by an amendment of the law. The regulations which were intended to guard against abuses of a kindred character in the trade between the several states, ought also to be more effect. ual for their humane object.-Message to Congress, Dec. 3, 1816.

JAMES MONROE.

It is the cause of serious regret, that no arrangement has yet been finally concluded between the two governments, to secure, by joint co-operation, the suppression of the slave trade. It was the objcct of the British government, in the early stages of the negotia tion, to adopt the plan for the suppression, which should include the concession of the mutual right of search by the ships of war of each party, of the vessels of the other, for suspected offenders. This was objected to by this government, on the principle that as the right of search was a right of war of a belligerant towards a neutral power, it might have an ill effect to extend it by treaty, to an offence that had been made comparatively mild, to a time of peace. Anxious, however, for the suppression of this trade, it was thought advisable, in compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives, founded on an act of Congress, to propose to the British government an expedient which should be free from that objection. and more effectual for the object, by making it piratical. In that mode, the enormity of the crime would place the offenders out of the protection of their government, and involve no question of search, or other question, between the parties, touching their respective rights. It was believed, also, that it would completely suppress the tale in the vessels of both the parties, and by their respective citi zens and subjects, in those of other powers with whom, it was hoped, that the odium which would thereby be attached to it, would produce a corresponding arrangement, and by means thereof, its entire extirpation forever. A convention to this effect was concluded and signed in London, on the thirteenth day of March, one thousand, eight hundred, and twenty-four, by plenipotentiaries duly authorized by both governments, to the ratification of which certain obstacles have arisen, which are not yet entirely removed. The difference between the parties still remaining has been reduced to a point not of sufficient magnitude, as is presumed, to be permitted to defeat an object so near to the heart of both nations, and so desirable to the friends of humanity throughout the world.-[Message to Congress, Dec. 7, 1824.

I have no hesitation to declare it as my opinion, that the Indian title was not affected in the slightest circumstance by the compact with Georgia, and that there is no obligation on the United States to remove the Indians by force. The express stipulation of the com. pacts that their title should be extinguished at the expense of the United States, when it may be done peacebly and on reasonable conditions, is a full proof that it was the clear and distinct understanding of both parties to it, that the Indians had a right to the territory, in the disposal of which they were to be regareded as free agents.Special Message, April 1, 1824.

SAMUEL. L. MITCHELL

by the wise policy of our [New-York] legislature, the shackles of feudal bondage have been knocked off, and our citizens, who feel nothing of vassalage or servitude, act with the spirit of freemen.The abrogation of the laws of entails and of primogeniture, has had the most happy effect in rendering easy the division and alienation of real property, whereby the natural right of every man to a certain part of the earth's surface, which, in former times, had been violently and unjustly wrested from the greatest part of those who had advanced much above barbaric rudeness, is restored, and with it that mediocrity of condition which hears with honest indignation the "monstrous faith of many made for one." The allodial and socage tenures of our lands, by giving free scope to purchasers, and undivided profit to cultivators, have paved the way to more virtue and happiness, than all the mines of Peru and Mexico ever have afforded. Upon calculations and estimates fairly made, it appears that the profits of plantations must be enormous to support a slave cultivation. The income of a rice, an indigo, a sugar or a tobacco estate, has been great enough in the newly cultivated lands of some of the Southern States and West India Islands, to admit of this mode of management. But at present the profits seem not so prodigious as they have heretofore been. The dearness of West India sugars, the prohibition of new importations of slaves in some places, and the introduction of the plough instead of the hoe, all indicate the decline of slavery, and all prove it to be less and less the true interest of the planters to conduct their business in the old way. Where the produce of a farm is bread-corn, flax, hemp, grass, and live stock, the profits are moderate, and the labor of free men is generally preferred, as most consistent with good economy: accordingly, in the northern states, slavery is entirely abolished. It appears from the great depreciation and frequent manumissions of slaves in this state, that our fellow citizens are becoming convinced of the same truth by experience. Upon taking a survey of the slave-holders with whom I am acquainted, I find those who have the greatest numbers to be men of considerable hereditary estates in land, or of a handsome ca、 pital acquired by marriage or bequest, but I cannot name an instance of a man of small property ever getting rich upon the profits of slave-labor. Therefore the kitchen establishments of those who keep fifteen or twenty negroes, are not to be considered as matters of revenue, but of expense, just after the manner of a stud of supernu. merary horses, kept either to indulge the pride or gratify the preju dice of their owner. It is to a conviction of the impolicy and expensiveness of this kind of service, rather than to any moral or religious consideration on the subject, that the decline of slavery is principally to be attributed.--Oration before the New-York State Agricultural Society, Jan. 10. 1792.

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