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CHAPTER III.

Duty of a Government, the securing to Individuals the full Enjoyment of their Rights-Means for this end within its influence-1. Moral and Religious Education-2 Security from Personal Injury-3. The abundant Production and general Distribution of Physical Enjoyments—The latter alone the object of Political Economy, and of this work.

THE chief object for which government is instituted, and consequently its principal duty, is, as has been said, to secure to all the individuals over which it presides the full enjoyment of their natural rights; in other words, as the great object of those rights, to guarantee to each the greatest attainable amount of happiness consistent with the general welfare.

To fulfil this its duty, the members of a government should not only possess a pure and singleminded desire to accomplish their task, but likewise a thorough knowledge of the principles of natural right, and of the circumstances which determine the happiness of individuals and the general welfare of societies. And not only they, but every one who criticises the conduct of a government, and passes an opinion upon any law, institution, or rule of society, should be equally informed on these points; or, in the absence of such information, his decisions can be but mere guesses, as devoid of reasonable foundation as those which

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a blind man may form upon a question of colours, or a deaf person upon one relating to music.

And yet it is to be feared there are few out of the numbers who, in this and other countries, habitually discuss and criticise the proceedings of legislatures and the character of laws,— few, indeed, even of those who are occupied, or seek to occupy themselves, as members of the legislature or executive, in making, altering, and enforcing laws, who possess any clear or correct apprehension of even the first principles of natural right, of the primary circumstances on which the general welfare depends, or the means essential to be taken for its promotion. Even in this country, the most advanced perhaps of any in such studies, what is the fact?-A few vague general notions caught up during a hasty perusal of Paley or Blackstone; a host of prejudices carefully implanted at school and college by teachers interested in maintaining the abuses of existing institutions; mistaken but deeply-rooted impressions upon private interests; party attachments, and personal caprices; these compose the stock of opinions and motives on which too many a legislator commences and carries on his business. Even the very best disposed and best qualified have, it is to be feared, but a slight acquaintance with the fundamental principles of social happiness; as is too often proved by the shallowness of their reasonings, and their constant shrinking from any recurrence to first principles. And yet nothing is more certain than that all legislation or action of government which does not proceed upon a just knowledge of the true interests of

man in society, can be but a journey in the dark, through an unknown country, without guide or compass; wherein the right road may by mere accident be blundered on, but in which the chances are greatly in favour of error and consequent misfortune.

The conventional avoidance by our modern legislators of all reference to first principles argues not merely an ignorance of them, but some vague fear that the actual institutions of society would be endangered by their acknowledgment.* But this dread is happily as unfounded as it is unwise. If, indeed, the mass of

*Pleased as we are with the possession of property, we seem afraid to look back to the means by which it was acquired, as if fearful of some defect in our title. Or, at best, we rest satisfied with the decision of the laws in our favour, without examining the reason or authority on which those laws have been built. We think it enough that our title is derived by the grant of the former proprietor, by descent from our ancestors, or by the last will and testament of the dying owner; not caring to reflect that (accurately and strictly speaking) there is no foundation in nature or in natural law, why a set of words upon parchment should convey the dominion of land; why the son should have a right to exclude his fellow-creatures from a determinate spot of ground because his father had done so before him; or why the occupier of a particular field or of a jewel, when lying on his deathbed and unable to retain possession, should be entitled to tell the rest of the world which of them should enjoy it after him. These inquiries, it must be owned, would be useless and even troublesome in common life. It is well if the mass of mankind will obey the laws when made, without scrutinizing too nicely into the reasons for making them. But when law is to be considered not only as a matter of practice, but also as a rational science, it cannot be improper or useless to examine more deeply the rudiments and grounds of these positive consti. tutions of society.'-Blackstone's Commentaries, II. c. i. p. 2.

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the institutions of any state were opposed to the first principles of justice, it would surely be far better to examine and ascertain the extent of their discordance, with a view to its correction, than to endeavour to conceal or shut our eyes to their defects. It is, however, quite wrong to imagine that the great institutional landmarks of this country are opposed to the principles of natural justice, or that they would not be confirmed and strengthened in public opinion-the firmest bulwark for any institutions by a reference to these principles, and the most open, full, and general discussion upon their accordance or disagreement.

The danger in an inquiring age like the present, when institutions have ceased to be respected because they are established, and venerated because they are ancient,—when the people have begun to think and to reason on such subjects, and are no longer contented with what is, without satisfying themselves whether it ought to be, the danger lies in the general ignorance of the public as to the true principles of public welfare, and in the general suspicion that the discordance of existing institutions from these principles is far greater than it really is, -a suspicion which is generated by the unwillingness of legislators to refer their conduct to first principles, and nourished by those who are ready at all times to imbue the multitude with opinions which may dispose them for violence and plunder.

The chief object of this work, now that the ground has been cleared by the determination of the simple principles of natural justice, will be to examine the circumstances within the influence of a government upon which depends the general

welfare of communities; and to compare with them the legislative policy of this country, in order to ascertain how far and in what particulars they agree or disagree.

This inquiry will, I think, show that the great body of the present owners of property have no reason to dread the discussion of such questions; for that their real interests are not opposed to, but, on the contrary, are identified with those of society at large; and that they may, therefore, safely, and without apprehension, meet their adversaries on the fair field of argument, and rest their cause on the firm foundation of the first principles of natural justice.

The circumstances which determine the wellbeing of a society, and are, more or less, within the control of its government, may, it is considered, be classed under three great heads, viz.— 1. The moral and religious disposition of its members.

2. The degree in which they are individually secured from personal injuries.

3. The degree in which they are individually supplied with the necessaries, comforts, and physical enjoyments of life.

1. With respect to the moral and religious disposition of the members of a society. It can scarcely be doubted that man is, by the constitution of his nature, disposed as well to love, to sympathize with, and to benefit his fellow-creatures, as to venerate the great Being to whom he ascribes the creation of the universe with all that is therein. This innate tendency to virtue and