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The great work of abolishing slavery in New-York is finished. The legislature closed its session on Wednesday of last week, May 26th, 1841. In the midst of the hurry at the close of the session, they found time to wipe off the last stain of slavery from our statutebooks. The law, as it was before, made southern despotism a travelling institution, and not "peculiar" to those states in which one-half the inhabitants are made free plunder for those who are "nursed, educated, and daily exercised in tyranny." The home citizen of NewYork was not permitted to force his neighbor to work without wages, to turn woman into a beast of burden, and rear her tender infants for the flesh-market. But let the New-Yorker buy a Georgia plantation, and suck wealth from the blood of plundered laborers, he could pol. lute our soil, insult our citizens, and disgrace our state, by openly scourging his human-cattle in our streets, and our laws would protect him in it, provided he lived part of the year in a slave state.

While we rejoice at this triumph of truth and humanity, let us re. new our efforts to scatter light, in the joyful hope that the darkness of slavery will flee before it, and the sun, as it shines across our broad country, from ocean to ocean, shall cease to look on a slave.


The public mind is again excited by a case somewhat like that of the Amistad. The slaves are free, but not on American soil. This republic was the house of their bondage, and they were victims of the American slave trade, which a distinguished Virginian law-maker, once declared was worse than the foreign.


On the 27th of October, the brig Creole, of Richmond, left Virginia, with 135 slaves for New-York. They had been out 11 days, when they made a desperate effort to gain their freedom, their leader was a slave named WASHINGTON MADISON. They first shot the mate, about 9 o'clock, at night. He alarmed the captain, who had "turned in." Both escaped up the rigging, and concealed themselves at the main-top. Mr. Hewell, the man who dared to claim these men as property, was on board. He shot one of them dead, and fought afterwards like a tiger," as the New-Orleans Picayune expresses it, till he was himself killed. The mate was discovered the next day in his hiding place, and compelled to navigate the vessel to the British island of New-Providence, where one or two cargoes of slaves have been previously liberated. Nineteen of them, who had taken part in the rebellion, were confined as criminals, but the governor would not send them to America at present. The rest were set free, and most of them went directly to Jamaica. May the Lord make their liberty, thus violently taken, a blessing to them.

Truly, all friends of the slave-holders, should labor to overthrow the horrid system which hurrid Mr. Hewell to such a terrible death. This case will excite much wrath towards Great Britain, but we think it will not lead to war

Youth's Cabinet.


The colored soldiers in Rhode Island formed an entire regiment, and they discharged their duty with zeal and fidelity. The gallant defence of Red Bank, in which the Black Regiment bore a part, is among the proofs of their valor. Among the traits which distinguished this regiment was their devotion to their officers. When their brave Colonel Green was afterwads cut down and mortally wounded, the sabres of the enemy only reached him through the bodies of his faithful guard of blacks, whom he was not ashamed to call his children. They hovered over him to protect him-every one of them was killed. The venerable Dr. HARRIS, of New-Hampshire, adds; there was, a regiment of blacks in the same situation-a regiment of negroes fighting for our liberty and independence-not a white man among them but the officers-in the most dangerous and responsible position. Had they been unfaithful, or given way before the enemy, all would have been lost. Three times in succession were they attacked with most desperate fury by well disciplined and veteran troops, and three times did they successfully repel the assault, and thus preserve an army. They fought thus through the war. They were brave and hardy troops.


There are not many colored people in England, but I see one or more every day. And where do you think I see them? The first that I saw was a mulatto woman walking arm in arm with a gentleman in Hyde Park. The next was an African man, entirely at home in an omnibus filled with white gentlemen and ladies. The next was an elegantly dressed and beautiful young lady, sitting by the side of a white lady, on terms of perfect equality, in onethe most splendid coaches in Hyde Park, with liveried servants. Yesterday, whilst riding in an omnibus in Regent-street, a colored young woman beckoned to the driver, and he stopped and opened the door at once. She did not get in, as she found it was not going where she wished to go. This afternoon I attended the church in Blackfriars, formerly Rowland Hill's. The largest and most respectable and solemn audience was present that I ever witnessed-the sexton told me four thousand. On looking around, I saw a head and face that marked the purest African descent. Was he perched up in a corner? No: he was in a pew, near the middle of the church. On my walk home, I saw a black man with an elegantly dressed white lady leaning on his arm, and immediately following them, a white and black gentleman arm in arm. I followed them a little, and soon, on coming to another street, the lady shook hands cordially with the two black gentlemen, (for they had every appearance of such,) and they both put their arms into the white gentleman's and walked on. What I noticed most particularly in all these cases was, that not the least at. tention was attracted. I could not perceive that an individual besides myself, knew that there was any difference in the colors. So it ough to be. The character, the character alone, should be the test.


We are bold to affirm that the christian, the patriot, and the gen tleman will esteem others according to their moral worth. If sobriety, industry and prudence characterizes their conduct, it follows as a necessary consequence, that they will be respected by men possessing like virtues.

I cannot therefore believe, that our cause is altogether so hopeless in this country, as is pretended, nor will I yet despair of our ultimate success, in obtaining the object of our desire, an equal standing with the rest of community. And with an eye to this mark, as long as the vital fluid courses through the channels, that nature's God has provided, and I have a voice that can be heard, feeble as that voice may bc, it shall be raised to encourage every descendant of Africa, to press his way through every obstacle, until this object is obtained, and he finds his standing firmly established upon this hallowed ground. The time has been, when the sight of a Quaker or a Baptist, was more obnoxious to a New-England Puritan, than a black face is now to a Southern Nabob, and yet they have outlived the storm and now are quite as respectable as their neighbors.

Permit me to urge upon your attention, by every consideration that is connected with the present and eternal welfare of your offspring, the importance of their education. I do not mean to insist on their being instructed in the higher branches of classical literature, except in certain cases, where a child manifests a genius and taste for science, but I mean in its elementary branches-I mean that education, which shall enable your children to transact with accuracy, the com mon business of life; and of such importance do I view this subject, that had I children, and found it necessary, I would rise before the dawn of the morning, and the midnight watches should find my hands employed; I would eat but a scanty allowance of bread and water, and wear the coarsest attire, rather than fail of accomplishing so desirable an object; I would break through every obstacle, and place my children as soon as they were capable of receiving instruction, at some hallowed fountain, from which issues forth the streams of useful learning.

The law of custom has hitherto confined us to a narrow sphere of action; and many even now seem unwilling that we should arise above it, but as long as the agricultural and mechanical branches of business are within our reach, why should we not avail ourselves of their benefits. No branches of business are more respectable; and no class of citizens are more useful and independent, we would therefore urge on you the importance of placing your sons, at a proper age, in a situation where they may obtain a knowledge of some one of the various branches of mechanical art; or with the agriculturist to learn to till the earth, and gather its precious fruits; and let your daughters learn to use the needle, and to lay their hands to the spindle, and their hands hold of the distaff, to make fine linen for their covering, and girdles for the merchant.-Address on the Abolition of Slavery in New-York.

Mr. Paul was of respectable parentage so far as exemplary con


duct and moral worth may be said to constitute genuine respecta bility. His father partook of the hardships of the revolution of '76, but not of all the blessings of liberty secured to his white country. He came to Albany in 1820, and to the latest period of his mortal existence, he never lost sight of the interests of the colored people. He promoted their moral and religious instruction, inculcated habits of industry, order, and sobriety, and taught them to respect themselves. He travelled not less than five thousand miles in collect. ing funds to pay off the debt incurred by the erection of the Hamilton street (Baptist) Church, in which he officiated as pastor.

Many of the free colored people of Ohio, who were in 1829, expelled by the cruel and oppressive laws of that state, had effected a promising settlement in Upper Canada. Mr. Paul repaired to this new colony, to aid in the early establishment of moral and religious institutions. Sir John Colburn strongly urged him to visit England, and make known the situation of his people, and secure the interest of the home government on their behalf. This mission to England promised favorably; the society of friends at Bristol, agreed at once to raise one thousand pounds, for the benefit of the Wilberforce colony, but news arriving that the settlers were in a disorderly state, the subscription was discontinued. Though he experienced a pecuniary loss by this mission, philanthropy gained. During his sojourn in England, he assiduously opposed the enormous pretensions of the American colonization society, until the arrival of Mr. Garrison, by whom the triumph was consummated, and the monster colonization prostrated in G. Britain. In 1832, Mr. Paul was summoned to give evidence on the subject of slavery, before a select committee of the House of Commons; his evidence was regarded by that honorable body as highly satisfactory and important, and contributed to the abolition of West India slavery.-Life, by Mrs. Anne Paul.


What does the American Union mean? Nothing more than this, that the twenty-six states of America are joined together in govern ment and civil rights. The union is but a parchment document, and as there is no hill so lofty that it may not be surmounted, no space of ocean so boundless that it may not be traversed, there is nothing more possible than that the union might be dissolved. But is it probable? Suppose that the union were dissolved to-morrow, by what power or agency, let me ask, would it be possible for the holders to retain their slaves greater in number than themselves? [Loud cries of hear, hear.'] To whom should the slave-holders look for sympathy, co-operation, and support, in their endeavors to keep these wretches in bondage? Will they look to the free states? Certainly not, for the very deed of dissolution precludes the possibility of that. Will they look to Mexico? No; for the Mexicans regard them with an eye of the rankest jealousy. Will they look to Canada? The thought is absurd. Will they look to the West Indies? What! ask men who are themselves but just liberated to aid in forging chains for

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other wretches! Who will believe it? Spain is the only land to which they can turn their eyes; but Spain has her own foes to trou ble her, and the demon of slavery lurks within her own confines. Where, then, will they look for sympathy, and whither will they fly for aid? (Hear.) The moment when the American union is dis solved, that instant the power of the slave-holder is prostrated in the dust. Hopeless, helpless, friendless, they become an isolated class of beings, having nothing to depend on but their own strength, and that is weakness indeed. Then will rouse the crushed worm, turning on its torturer, and, in the fierce indignation of outraged men, the slaves will demand the right of measuring arms with their masters. [Immense cheering.]

I do not think I shall myself live to see that day, but that such would be the effect of a dissolution of the American union 1 feel confidently assured, (hear.) Where is the man, who, if asked to become a slave, would not hurl back the offer indignantly in the teeth of the oppressor? Nay, where is the woman-where the child? The slaves of the United States are men, women, and children; and that they are as worthy this appellation, nay, worthier, perhaps, than the denizens of more favored lands, is amply testified by their patient and enduring conduct under contumely and outrage, for they, like your. selves, have preferred rather to suffer wrong, than to do wrong.Speech at Dublin.




The Colonization society was scarcely known to have been or ganized, before its object was protested against, in a public meeting of the free colored people of Richmond, Va. Not long after, (in August, 1817,) the largest meeting ever yet held of the colored people of the free states the number being computed at 3000-came together in Philadelphia, to consider the colonization scheme. Mr. James Forten, a man distinguished not only for his wealth and successful industry, but for his sufferings in the revolutionary war, presided at its deliberations. After ample time allowed for duly considering every benefit which colonization held out to the colored people, there was not a single voice in that vast assembly which was not raised for its decisive, thorough condemnation:

Meetings of a similar kind were held in Washington city, in Baltimore, New-York, Providence, Boston,-indeed, in all the cities, and in most of the large towns, throughout the free states. The abhorrence which was generally expressed of the whole scheme proved, that those to whose acceptance it was offered regarded it but as little more merciful than death. From the earliest period of those public meetings up to this time, we fearlessly assert, that no credible testimony can be adduced, showing, that there has been any abateinent in the repugnance of the colored people to colonization. In January, 1839, a large public meeting was held in this city, at which the following expression of sentiment was unanimously given :

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